FALSE: Authentic EU funding opportunities are only announced on their genuine platforms 

Claim: The European Union is offering grants of up to $1 million USD to businesses in African nations who have been impacted by conflict, external shocks, and economic disparities.

This is a fraudulent call for applications. The domain eudfglobal.eu is not official, conceals its ownership, and uses misleading branding to impersonate the European Union (EU).

On 21st August 2025, a Facebook account shared a post calling for proposals for grants of up to $1 million USD for small African businesses affected by conflict, external shocks, and economic disparities. The post instructed interested applicants to submit their applications through a Google Form linked in the caption. The Google Form requested information such as the applicant’s name, phone number, email address, gender, business name, type of business, and business address, among other details. Additionally, the Facebook caption included a link purportedly for more information. This link directed users to a website designed to mimic an official EU website, using the European Union logo and colour scheme.

The website promoting the offer uses the domain eudfglobal.eu, which is not an official European Union domain. Genuine EU websites always use domains ending in .europa.eu (for example, ec.europa.eu, eeas.europa.eu, and european-union.europa.eu).

 Mzeziti Mwanza used the EURid website, the official registry for the .eu top-level domain (TLD) that manages domain registrations for entities within the European Union, Iceland, Liechtenstein, and Norway, to check whether the website shared in the Facebook post was owned by the EU. A search showed that the website was registered by a company called Equitable Upscale & Diversification Fund. 

On the other hand, the official website that announces all EU grants and tenders was run through the EURid registry. Results revealed that the website is owned by the European Commission. 

Additionally, applicants who submit details via the Google form receive responses from emails ending in @eudfglobal.eu, whereas genuine EU communication always uses the @europa.eu domain. This mismatch indicates that the operators are impersonating the EU.

Authentic EU funding opportunities are only announced through the Funding & Tenders portal:

https://ec.europa.eu/info/funding-tenders/opportunities/portal. The absence of this alleged grant on that platform confirms it is fraudulent.

The European Union in Zambia was contacted for a comment. Mweemba Chimunya, EU press officer for Zambia, noted that they are aware of the fraudulent call for grants and have since alerted the public on their Facebook page. 

This is a fraudulent call for applications. The domain eudfglobal.eu is not official, conceals its ownership, and uses misleading branding to impersonate the European Union. By targeting vulnerable groups, including businesses in conflict-affected and economically fragile African nations, this scam risks exposing applicants to financial fraud, identity theft, and exploitation.


This fact-check was produced by Mzeziti Mwanza as part of the African Fact-checking Alliance incubation programme. It was produced with peer mentorship from Code for Africa’s fact-checking initiative, PesaCheck, with financial support from Norway. AFCA mentorship respects the journalistic independence of the researchers, offering access to advanced techniques and tools. The editorial decision remains with CYLA.

FALSE: ECZ will not implement biometric voting or abolish voters' cards for the 2026 General elections.

The Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) uses the Automated Biometric Identification System (ABIS) only for voter registration, not for voting or tallying results.

A TikTok video shared on 23 April 2025 claiming that the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) had announced the introduction of fingerprint voter registration for the 2026 elections and the abolition of voter cards is FALSE.

The video was captioned: “2026 Balaiba! ECZ brings fingerprint voter registration for 2026, no voter’ card/registration system. Kuyabebele”

The video featured a short, edited clip of ECZ Chairperson Mwangala Zaloumis, whose remarks about the biometric voter register were cut and misrepresented to mislead viewers. A Google search revealed the full video, which shows Zaloumis reading recommendations from the Electoral Reform Technical Committee (ERTC) report.

In the full video, Zaloumis says, “Submitters propose that the Electoral Process Act be amended to include provisions for electronic voter registration. This is not voting but electronic voter registration. The amendment aims to modernise the voter registration process, enhance efficiency, improve accessibility, and ensure greater accuracy in identifying voters and managing the voter’s roll.”

An analysis of the ERTC report, particularly Page 29, Section 2.2, confirms that the proposal only calls for electronic voter registration, not electronic voting.

Biometric voter registration is not new in Zambia. The country has used biometric technology since 2006, with upgrades in 2011, 2015, and 2021, including the Automated Biometric Identification System (ABIS), which captures fingerprints to prevent duplicate registrations. The 2025 ERTC report did not introduce a new system but merely recommended strengthening biometric registration and anchoring it formally in the Electoral Process Act.

ECZ officials have consistently clarified that ABIS is strictly for registration and does not replace voter cards, nor is it used for voting or tallying results.Voter cards remain in use, and the ECZ has confirmed there are no plans to introduce electronic voting for the 2026 elections.

A nationwide mass registration exercise is scheduled to begin on 13 October 2025, running for about 30 days and targeting 3.5 million new or replacement registrations. Voters with valid 2020 voter cards do not need to re-register unless they require a replacement or transfer. The ECZ plans to produce 7.7 million new voter card forms and lamination pouches to accommodate these needs. This is not a redesign of the voter card but a move to replace lost or damaged cards and improve durability.

In a 7 August 2025 statement, ECZ Chief Electoral Officer Brown Kasaro strongly dismissed claims that the commission was secretly introducing electronic voting or amending electoral laws unilaterally. He reiterated that ABIS is only used for voter registration to prevent duplication and does not support electronic voting or result tallying.

This fact-check was produced by Mzeziti Mwanza as part of the African Fact-checking Alliance incubation programme. It was produced with peer mentorship from Code for Africa’s fact-checking initiative, PesaCheck, with financial support from Norway. AFCA mentorship respects the journalistic independence of the researchers, offering access to advanced techniques and tools. The editorial decision remains with CYLA.

FALSE : ECZ-Dual Voting Systems

FALSE: The Electoral Commission of Zambia did not announce the use of two voter cards in upcoming elections . The commission disowned the announcement

A post on Facebook showing that  The electoral commission of Zambia (ECZ) has announced that 2026 elections will be conducted using two different voters’ cards – the 2021 cards and the new ones currently being issued—is FALSE. 

ECZ did not announce the use of two voters’ cards for the 2026 elections; the ongoing voter registration will cover new voter registrations, replacement of lost or damaged voter cards, and transfers. Citizens who already possess voter cards issued in 2020 or who registered during the continuous registration process do not need to register again, as their cards remain valid for the 2026 election.

On 17th September, a Facebook user shared a blog post claiming that the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) had announced the use of two different voter’s cards for the 2026 elections. The blog post was accompanied by two images: the first was a screenshot from the News Diggers! newspaper dated 8th September 2025, with the headline, “2021 voters’ cards still valid for 2026—ECZ.” Above this headline appeared a photo of ECZ Chief Electoral Officer, Brown Kasaro.

Screenshot of News Diggers’ article on ECZ Press Briefing

An image search confirmed that the picture originated from a News Diggers! newspaper headline dated 8th September 2025. The article reported on ECZ’s ongoing voter registration exercise and the status of the 2021 voters’ register. However, the content did not state that the ECZ would allow two different voter cards to be used in 2026.

In a press release issued on 18th September 2025, the ECZ condemned this claim as false and misleading, clarifying, “There is only one official voter’s card which has been approved and is issued by the Commission.” The Commission further explained that individuals who registered in 2020 or during the Continuous Registration of Voters (CRV) exercise from June 2022 and already hold valid cards do not need to register again.

According to the ECZ, voter cards issued during the 2020 registration and subsequent CRV (from 2022 onwards) remain valid until 2030. The current exercise is focused on updating the register and aligning the card design and logo with ECZ’s new branding—not on creating a second, parallel system. The Commission also assured the public that its system incorporates verification and deduplication measures, including the use of NRC numbers, fingerprints, and portraits, to prevent multiple registrations or ghost voters.

Therefore, the allegation that the ECZ will conduct the 2026 elections using two different voter cards is false. The Commission has confirmed that there will be one harmonised system, with existing voter cards issued in 2020 and during CRV remaining valid until 2030. Suggestions of dual registers or “rigging” are unfounded. 



This fact-check was produced by Mzeziti Mwanza as part of the African Fact-checking Alliance incubation programme. It was produced with peer mentorship from Code for Africa’s fact-checking initiative, PesaCheck, with financial support from Norway. AFCA mentorship respects the journalistic independence of the researchers, offering access to advanced techniques and tools. The editorial decision remains with CYLA.


































My journey: Learning to Fight Misinformation Ahead of Zambia’s 2026 Elections

My journey: Learning to Fight Misinformation Ahead of Zambia’s 2026 Elections

When I was selected for the 2025 Code for Africa Fellowship on Combatting Mis/Disinformation in Southern Africa, organized by Code for Africa (CfA) in partnership with the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, I wasn’t entirely sure what to expect. What I did know, however, was that the timing couldn’t have been more critical. With Zambia heading into the 2026 election cycle, I had already begun to witness how rapidly misinformation was spreading online stories that confuse citizens, divide communities, and sometimes even threaten peace.

For me, this training came at the right moment.

What I Took Away

Over six weeks of intense sessions, I learned skills I never thought I could master so quickly. I can now:

  • Spot and debunk false claims before they spread further.

  • Verify whether a photo, video, or even an audio clip is real or manipulated.

  • Protect myself and others better online through digital security practices.

  • Apply ethical guidelines to make sure my work is accurate, fair, and accountable.

  • Even understand how Artificial Intelligence (AI) is changing the world of fact-checking.

But what stood out most wasn’t just the content; it was the way the training was delivered.

A Supportive Team That Walked with me

The trainers, IT support, program manager, mentors, finance, and the rest of the programming team were incredible. They didn’t just “teach and leave.” They made sure every session was interactive and practical and that no one was left behind. The programming team handled everything so smoothly in the background, while the trainers patiently explained tools and answered questions.  No matter how many times I asked questions, I felt supported every step of the way. Technical issues I experienced were resolved, and the team was patient and gave room to learn.

And the best part? The journey doesn’t end with the workshop.

The Six-Month Fellowship: Guidance That Builds Confidence

Unlike many other programs where you attend training and are left to figure things out on your own, this one offers a six-month fellowship. That has been life-changing for me.

During this time, I got guidance from a mentor, feedback from editors, and the chance to reflect on my own mistakes. Slowly, I saw myself becoming more confident able to research, verify, and write fact-checks on my own.

This ongoing support is what made a huge difference. It’s not just learning skills in theory; it’s about practicing them, getting corrected, and building enough confidence to go out there and work as a fact-checker in the real world.

Beyond Me: Taking Skills Further

What excites me most is that the training doesn’t end with me. Yes, the fellowship started by equipping one person in an organization, me!  but these skills won’t stay with just one person. I now have the tools and confidence to train others, to pass on what I’ve learned, and to help empower my colleagues and community.

With the elections coming up, I know these skills will not only help me in my own work but also allow me to build resilience in others. Democracy is stronger when citizens can tell the difference between truth and lies. I feel proud to be part of that effort.

I am deeply grateful to Code for Africa, the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the trainers, editors, and the programming team for walking with us every step of the way. Your patience, guidance, and encouragement have not only shaped me into a more confident fact-checker but also inspired me to keep passing on these skills.

This journey doesn’t end here! It’s only the beginning!

Mzeziti Mwanza is a Zambian governance expert and advocate, passionate about policy advocacy, electoral process observation, and gender advocacy. She is passionate about bridging scholarly insight with public advocacy and amplifies citizen voices to defend rights, transparency, and participatory governance in Zambia’s evolving political landscape.

MISSING CONTEXT: Minimum Alternative Tax is not imposed on all poor Zambians before selling anything, even at a loss

FALSE: Hakainde Hichilema (HH) did not unilaterally introduce the Minimum Alternative Tax, to be  imposed on all poor Zambians before selling anything, even at a loss.

The claim falsely claims that MAT was enacted by Parliament under the Income Tax (Amendment) Act No. 10 of 2025, not unilaterally by the President.It falsely claims that all poor Zambians must pay it before selling anything (MAT applies only to certain businesses above a turnover threshold). It also falsely claims that non-payment automatically leads to jail (the law prescribes standard administrative procedures, not automatic imprisonment).

A Facebook post claiming that the Zambian President has introduced a law requiring all poor Zambians to pay a new tax, the Minimum Alternative Tax (MAT), before selling anything—even at a loss—and non-payment leads to jail is FALSE. 

On 30th August, 2025 a facebook user shared a post with words, “ HH has brought a new TAX for ALL poor Zambians to pay govt before selling anything even if it's at a loss called MINIMUM ALTERNATIVE TAX, jail if you don't pay. Eg: For every 100 bags of maize you harvest, 1 is for UPND GOVT in addition to old taxes. (Income tax Amendment #10 of 2025.).. scammers kuyabebele! 2026 ni pamakasa 👣 EFF.

Screenshot of Facebook Post

However, the claim that the Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema (HH), who is referred to as HH, unilaterally introduced a tax forcing all poor Zambians to pay before selling anything, with jail as a penalty for non-payment, is false.

Minimum Alternative Tax (MAT) does not apply to all Zambians, particularly not to poor or subsistence-level traders. This is in reference to subsistence-level traders with limited earning capacity who cannot afford high taxes.  Several categories are exempt, and the law does not provide for automatic imprisonment for non-payment. MAT was enacted by Parliament under the Income Tax (Amendment) Act No. 10 of 2025, not by presidential decree or statutory instrument.

The claim misrepresents both the manner in which the law was introduced and its intended application. Only businesses that do not fall under existing tax exemptions are subject to MAT. Section 14A(5) of the Act exempts those liable for presumptive tax or turnover tax, meaning small-scale traders and farmers are not affected. The charging schedule caps the tax at 1% of annual turnover, not a blanket fee on every sale.

MAT is a minimum tax on turnover for eligible businesses and is creditable against future income tax for up to five years, serving as a safeguard to ensure compliance and reduce tax avoidance among larger companies. Enforcement follows standard administrative procedures—jail is not prescribed.

In an official statement on 31 August 2025, the Zambia Revenue Authority confirmed that all SMEs with an annual turnover below K5 million are exempt from MAT, further showing that the tax does not target poor Zambians.

Screenshot from Zambia Revenue Authority Facebook Page

The false claim also wrongly suggests that the President exceeded constitutional powers. In reality, MAT followed the normal parliamentary process: the Bill was debated, voted on by Members of Parliament, assented to by the President, and came into effect according to the Act.

Spreading this misinformation risks creating unnecessary fear and confusion, particularly among vulnerable groups, and undermines public trust in democratic and fiscal institutions.

This fact-check was produced by Mzeziti Mwanza as part of the African Fact-checking Alliance incubation program. It was produced with peer mentorship from Code for Africa’s fact-checking initiative, PesaCheck, with financial support from Norway. AFCA mentorship respects the journalistic independence of the researchers, offering access to advanced techniques and tools. The editorial decision remains with CYLA.






False : The Teaching Professions bill does not provide for a five year jail term for unemployed teachers who fail to pay annual teaching license

The Teaching Council of Zambia termed the allegations as untrue


On 22nd August, 2025, Facebook users shared a video accompanied with the words “Ba TEACHER balakakwa! Zambian TEACHERS to be JAILED Up to 5 YRS IMPRISONMENT WHO FAIL TO PAY PRACTICE FEES every YEAR, says New UPND LAW: EFF REJECTS TEACHING PROFESSION BILL NO. 14 OF 2025.”

The claim is false. The draft Teaching Professions Bill 2025 does not provide for the arrest of unemployed teachers for failing to pay the licence fee. Only teachers who are actively engaged in teaching without a valid practising certificate are subject to penalties.

The Facebook post alleges that under Draft Amendment Bill No. 14 of the Laws of Zambia, teachers;  will face arrest if they do not pay the annual teaching license fee. The captioned words “ Ba Teacher Balakakwa”  is a Zambian local term to mean “teachers will be arrested.” The man in the video goes on to explain that teachers both employed and unemployed would face arrest of 5 years for non-payment for yearly licence fees.

The Zambian Parliament is currently debating the Teaching Professions Bill 2025, which seeks to repeal and replace the Teaching Professions Act of 2013. The bill sets out the legal framework for the registration of teachers, the issuance of practising certificates, and the regulation of the teaching profession in Zambia.

A teaching licence is meant to ensure that only qualified and registered teachers are engaged in the education sector. However, confusion has arisen around whether unemployed teachers, who are not actively teaching, are also required to pay the annual practising certificate fee or risk arrest for failing to do so.

The relevant provisions are found in Part III of Draft Bill No. 14 of 2025, titled “Registration of Teachers and Issuance of Practicing Certificate. “Section 9 (1): A person shall not be employed or practice as a teacher unless the person is registered as a teacher in accordance with this act. “This means that the requirement applies only to those actively teaching, not to unemployed teachers. Section 17 (1–3):  “A person shall not practice as a teacher without a valid practising certificate issued to that person by the Council under this Act. (2) A person shall not offer employment to a person as a teacher who does not hold a valid practising certificate issued under this Act.”  (3) Further establishes administrative and disciplinary action for those teaching illegally. Which states that, “A person who contravenes this section commits an offence and is liable, on conviction, to a fine not exceeding five hundred thousand penalty units or to imprisonment for a term not exceeding five years, or to both.”

These clauses require every registered teacher who intends to practice to apply for a practicing certificate and to renew it annually. Again, this is tied to active practice, not unemployment status, and not for simply not paying the license fee. It makes reference to those actively teaching. 

For teachers not teaching, section 2(1) provides that “A teacher who does not intend to practice teaching for a specified period of time shall notify the Council, in writing, of the teacher’s intention. (2) The Council may, where a teacher notifies the Council in accordance with subsection (1), maintain the name of the teacher on the register in a nonpracticing category for the period of time specified by the teacher.” This means that teachers not employed are still officially recognized by the Council and are exempt from paying the practising certificate fee or facing penalties, as long as they notify the Council and are in the non-practising category.

Mzeziti Mwanza contacted the Teaching Council of Zambia for a comment. In response, the Registrar, Ebby Mubanga, clarified that the bill proposes the yearly licence fee will apply only to employed teachers.

The law is designed to regulate the teaching profession and ensure that only qualified, registered, and licensed individuals are engaged in the classroom. Spreading misinformation about the bill risks creating unnecessary fear among teachers and undermines informed debate about important legislation. This can also have serious consequences for both the public and the democratic process. When people are misled, they may form premature opposition or support for a law they do not fully understand, creating confusion and unnecessary tension. This not only undermines meaningful public debate but also pressures lawmakers to respond to misinformation instead of addressing the real issues in the bill. Over time, such distortions weaken trust in Parliament and erode confidence in democratic institutions, as citizens begin to believe laws are being made based on false narratives rather than facts.

The claim circulating on Facebook that unemployed teachers will be arrested for failing to pay the annual teaching licence fee is false.

This fact-check was produced by Mzeziti Mwanza as part of the African Fact-checking Alliance incubation programme. It was produced with peer mentorship from Code for Africa’s fact-checking initiative, PesaCheck, with financial support from Norway. AFCA mentorship respects the journalistic independence of the researchers, offering access to advanced techniques and tools.

HOAX: This Electoral Commission of Zambia recruitment portal is fake.

The Electoral Commission disowned it 

This link promoting jobs purportedly advertised by the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) to fill in temporary support roles in preparation of the upcoming National activities in the country is a HOAX.

A viral post circulating on WhatsApp alleges that the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) is recruiting temporary staff for upcoming national activities. The post directs applicants to apply through a link: nsidostar.github.io/ECZ.Recruitment.portal.zm

 Upon clicking the link , it leads to a website with the ECZ logo and interface with color schemes used on the ECZ website. Which reads,” The electoral commission of Zambia(ECZ) is recruiting polling staff, electoral officers, observers to support the upcoming process. Interested applicants are invited to apply, and play a vital role in ensuring credibility and transparency. 

Applicants are asked to indicate whether or not they are Zambian citizens. After submitting their name, individuals are asked to provide key personal information, including their phone numbers, date of birth, level of education, and email addresses. Once all this information is provided, applicants are instead asked to share the link on WhatsApp to apply.

The claim that the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) is recruiting staff through the link nsidostar.github.io/ECZ.Recruitment.portal.zm is false. The link is not affiliated with ECZ, whose official website is www.elections.org.zm. ECZ does not recruit “observers,” and official recruitment notices are only published on its verified platforms and in national newspapers. The circulating post is a scam designed to mislead and potentially harvest personal information.

Mzeziti Mwanza performed a Whois search to establish whether this application portal is registered by the Electoral Commission. However, the results show it is hosted by GitHub and registered in the United States.

On the contrary, the genuine Electoral Commission website is registered in Zambia. This was verified through a domain search conducted on the 'Zambia WHOIS Service' page of the Zambia Information and Communications Technology Authority (ZICTA) website.

When contacted, Patricia Luhanga, the Corporate Affairs Manager at the commission, confirmed that it is a fake online recruitment. The purported jobs are not listed on the careers section of the Electoral Body’s website and this confirms the job advertisement to be a hoax. 




This fact-check was produced as part of the African Fact-checking Alliance incubation program. It was produced with peer-mentorship from Code for Africa’s fact checking initiative, PesaCheck with financial support from Norway. AFCA mentorship respects the journalistic independence of the researchers, offering access to advanced techniques and tools.





On Some Early Wins for the 2026 General Elections: A Case of the Electoral Commission of Zambia's Mass Voter Registration at Mahatma Gandhi Secondary School in Mtendere Ward in Munali Constituency

ECZ infographic displaying key Mass Voter Registration details

The Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ), pursuant to the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Act No. 2 of 2016, Article 46, is facilitating the registration of eligible citizens as voters. Following the 2021 General Elections, on 1st June 2022, the ECZ commenced conducting Continuous Voter Registration across 30 districts countrywide.

Building on that, the Commission is now conducting a Mass Voter Registration (MVR) exercise from 13th October to 11th November 2025 across all 156 constituencies, targeting approximately 3.5 million eligible voters. This will add to the 7.07 million already registered as of 25th February 2025. The MVR is being carried out alongside the Online Pre-Voter Registration (OVR) for first-time voters, which runs from 15th September to 3rd November 2025.

On the commencement day of the MVR on 13th October 2025, I went to Mahatma Gandhi Secondary School, one of the voter registration centres in Munali Constituency, to unofficially observe and interact with the Assistant Registration Officer. I returned the next day to both further observe and register as a voter myself. My registration involved updating my new address and polling station details from those I used during the 2020 registration. This is one of the six (6) voter registration services ECZ is offering during this exercise; they are also doing new registrations, replacement of lost, destroyed, or defaced voter’s cards, claims for omission from the register of voters, corrections of clerical errors, and removal of deceased voters. 

ECZ infographic about voter registration services

From my two-day observation and registration experience, I was impressed with the ECZ’s coordination with the Zambia Police in assisting people who have lost their voter’s cards. They can obtain a police report right at the registration centre, eliminating the hassle of having to go to a nearby police station and return. This simple coordination effectively removes a major barrier to participation.

Another plus for the Commission is the provision of an alternative power supply at Mahatma Gandhi. This is especially commendable considering that ZESCO recently reduced the power supply to only four hours per day due to “extreme challenges in electricity generation and access.” Since registration runs from 08:00 to 17:00, the availability of a standby generator ensures uninterrupted service.

The registration process itself is relatively swift, combining manual and digital steps. It took roughly less than 10 minutes per registration. However, if the number of registrants increases significantly, that duration may still be too long. I believe there is room to streamline and reduce registration time even further.

ECZ infographic about OVR and MVR

As a communications professional, I am particularly impressed by the Commission’s communication efforts, both online and offline. The ECZ Facebook page, for instance, is abuzz with infographics, live coverage, and voter registration promotional content. Beyond social media, they are also active on radio and television.

Closer to home in Mtendere, I’ve heard loudspeaker announcements broadcast in local languages inviting eligible citizens to register. Such localized outreach is fundamental to ensuring increased participation. From these efforts, I foresee many citizens, especially youth, women, and persons with disabilities, turning up to register, not only at Mahatma Gandhi but across the country.

That said, while there are clear wins, there is still room for improvement in three key areas:

1. Further Digitising the Registration Process

Though ECZ already appears to be digitising the registration process, as shown by the Online Pre-Voter Registration system, which allows first-time voters to submit their details online before visiting a physical centre for verification and card printing, I still foresee a kerfuffle for both officers and registrants at the physical centres. During my registration, the officer manually entered the data letter by letter, making the process long. Imagine if ECZ upgraded its system to allow NRC scanning, automatically capturing details such as name, date of birth, and NRC number. Digitising the registration process would make data entry faster, more accurate, and more efficient, leaving the registration officer with only a few clicks to complete the process.

2. State and Location of the Registration Centre

At Mahatma Gandhi, it is impressive that the voter registration is taking place in a classroom accessible with a ramp; however, this is happening during lessons with about 50 pupils in it. Only a third of the room is reserved for the registration officer and a police officer who is administering on-site police reports for lost voters’ cards. When I was registering, there were about five of us, but imagine 20 people arriving at once. It would be chaotic.

The space is simply not adequate for large numbers, and pupils also need a quiet learning environment. Besides, this is happening in the October heat without air conditioning. Instead, they can set up the registration in a separate, unoccupied room with better ventilation and more space.

3. Strengthening Stakeholder Engagement

I encourage all stakeholders, including civil society, media, and citizens, to actively publicise this democratic process, which directly affects the quality and integrity of our elections in 2026. Actively mobilise youth, women, and persons with disabilities to register, and observe how the registration is conducted.

Above all, let us each take responsibility by going to register as voters. Check for a voter registration centre near you in phase one of the Mass Voter Registration exercise, HERE.

Gerald sikazwe

The author works as CYLA’s Communications Assistant.

CYBER LAWS OR CYBER GAGS? What Young Politicians Must Know About Zambia's Cyber Laws Today

2024 PYPA participants looking on smartphones’ screens during a session.

In the last decade, the internet and digital technologies have become rooted in everyday life across the world. The ability to maximise the internet effectively has become a key differentiator between those who lead and those who follow across business, health, education, and, most strategically, politics. To this effect, globally, the concept of digital democracy, using digital technologies to enhance participation, representation, transparency and accountability, and the rule of law, is growing.

Most countries digitised almost overnight in the wake of Covid-19, which closed the world. With movement restricted and physical interactions nearly impossible, much of human activity shifted online. Expression, association, and assembly were carried out virtually. While access to information, goods, services, and social interactions became dependent on clicks and screens.

Even before COVID-19, African countries had begun considering digitising. Some had enacted laws on electronic transactions, data protection, ICT, and cyberspace security. For Zambia, however, these efforts accelerated after the pandemic as internet uptake in the country surged. In 2021, the government enacted three major pieces of legislation: the Cyber Security and Cyber Crimes Act (2021), the Data Protection Act (2021) and the Electronic Communications and Transactions Act (2021).

Though presented as progressive steps to ensure affordable access, online safety, and integrated public services, they were problematic and thusly criticised for being rushed, lacking consultation, and undermining key freedoms. Most problematic among them was the Cyber Security and Cyber Crimes Act, which legitimised arbitrary surveillance of citizens, restricted free expression, and eroded online civic participation by removing judicial safeguards and parliamentary oversight.

An apple a day…

Cyber laws, at their best, are positive steps to making the internet safe, affordable, and accessible. They provide protection against fraud, hacking, identity theft, misinformation, cyberbullying, and technology-assisted gender-based violence. They also safeguard critical infrastructure, regulate online transactions, protect intellectual property, and establish standards for data privacy. When designed with human rights and democratic principles at the core, such laws not only secure the digital space but also end up protecting and promoting the interests of everyone, not just those in power and their privileged friends.

However, when stripped of these principles, cyber laws become tools of repression. Instead of protecting citizens, they serve the narrow interests of those in power and quickly become grounds on which democracy crumbles and citizens’ rights are grossly violated.

Across the continent, such laws impose harsh punishments to deter dissent, criminalise criticism of political leaders, restrict online organising by opposition parties and civil society, and allow surveillance of citizens without accountability.

In Zambia, the Cyber Security Act (2025) and the Cyber Crimes Act (2025) have intensified these concerns. Citizens fear their electronic communications can be intercepted at any time. Activists, journalists, and politicians face arrests for online statements deemed “offensive” or “false”. The chilling effect has discouraged political expression, reduced online organising, and left many young people self-censoring.

Worms in the apple

The Cyber Crimes Act of 2025 is particularly troubling because of its vague definitions of offences. Terms such as “false statements”, “lewd”, “emotional distress”, and “deceptive electronic communications” are left open to the interpretation of law enforcement officers. Without precise legal definitions, almost any online statement could be criminalised.

The law also lacks adequate judicial safeguards to prevent political targeting. The Zambia Cyber Security Agency, charged with implementing these laws, reports directly to the Office of the President rather than to Parliament or the judiciary. This undermines checks and balances. Worse still, the Act introduces criminal defamation offences, further threatening free expression and exposing citizens to arbitrary prosecution. This is likely to stifle legitimate expression and criticism.

For young Zambian politicians and activists, these laws represent a serious setback in their political participation. Already marginalised, under-represented, and often under-resourced in politics, young people now face even greater barriers to meaningful participation. It perpetuates young people’s voicelessness in civic and political decision-making. The legislation indirectly limits online campaigning, reduces access to supporters, exposes youth leaders to the risk of arrest for “fake news” or “offensive” posts, and fosters apathy by discouraging civic voices.

What youth can do with the apple

Despite these challenges, now is not the time for young politicians to cower and retreat. Instead, it is high time you understood your rights as enshrined in the Zambian Constitution, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the African Union Convention on Cyber Security and Personal Data Protection. These instruments affirm your freedoms of expression, assembly, and association, offline and online, as well as your rights to safety and privacy in the digital space.

Furthermore, advocate for reform of Zambia’s cyber laws to ensure they protect, not violate, human rights. Identify and collaborate with digital rights advocacy groups, and leverage multiparty dialogues for stronger advocacy. Often young politicians are not vocal and present in reform processes. As a politician, yours is not to just secure votes but, among other things, to also provide education to your constituents. In this case, educate others on digital safety, privacy, and responsible online conduct and on the risks associated with the cyber laws being implemented. Above all, know what the cyber laws expect of you, be responsible online by not wilfully spreading misinformation or hate speech or inciting violence, and practise digital hygiene by using secure communication tools, protecting personal data, and safeguarding privacy.

Despite restrictive laws, the internet continues to present unprecedented opportunities for young politicians. Social media and other digital communication tools allow you to connect with supporters, mobilise communities, and lead campaigns without the limitations of geography or time. Digital platforms can expand civic education, voter awareness, and fundraising efforts.

The future of apples

Democracy in Zambia, and across Africa, rests on the shoulders of its citizens, with youth forming the majority. As custodians of the present and future, young people must not surrender their voices. They must push for reforms, resist repression, and continue to innovate politically in digital spaces. The internet should be seen as a game-changer for political participation. Youth should be able to use it to win real gains on the civic front by amplifying their campaigns, advancing voter education, and mobilising for meaningful change. And in this era, cyber laws should serve as enablers, not hindrances.

Gerald sikazwe

The author works as CYLA’s Communications Assistant.

YOUTH SPOTLIGHT: ANNA MULENGA | 2022 YOWOP ALUMNI

Anna Mulenga during an outreach activity in Mukuni Village

What was the CYLA Zambia project you participated in?

ANNA: I participated in the Young Women in Politics (YOWOP) project in 2022. The programme brought together participants from both political parties and civil society, a combination that really deepened our learning experience. I gained a lot of knowledge about youth and women's participation in politics.

Through the mentors, I learned how to handle social media, build personal visibility, and navigate challenges that women commonly face in politics. We also discussed how to achieve work-life balance, domestic responsibilities and being a civic leader.

We also had a Swedish facilitator who shared insights about the state of women in politics in Sweden, how they handle challenges, and the representation of women in leadership roles in their political parties.

Of the experiences you mentioned, gaining knowledge about social media and visibility, understanding the challenges women face in politics, and navigating work-life balance, which one has had the most lasting impact on your life, and how are you applying it today?

ANNA: What stood out the most for me, and what I’m still applying today, is the knowledge I gained. Before the programme, I was aware of the challenges women face, but mostly from a distance.

However, during the programme, we went into communities and had real conversations with women about their experiences. That hands-on interaction opened my eyes to a broader understanding of civic leadership as a woman.

I learned how to carry myself as a young leader. My confidence and sense of preparedness increased. Today, I engage far better than I did before YOWOP because I now have a solid foundation of knowledge, exposure, and practical experience.

Reflecting on how you now practice politics on the ground, what is the one key lesson guiding you, and how does that differ from how you approached it in the past?

ANNA: To be honest, before YOWOP, whenever I was called to speak on a platform, my knowledge was limited. But after the programme, I now speak from a much more informed perspective due to the direct engagement with communities.

I remember we also had interactions with Members of Parliament and mayors, which boosted my confidence and taught me best practices. I now engage my community more effectively because I understand the realities on the ground and the challenges that people, women and children face.

As a young politician, I rely on that knowledge when determining how I can help address community challenges. When I speak on platforms today, I can provide deeper insights and use real-life examples to back up what I’m saying.

Why was this particular change in knowledge and exposure important to you?

ANNA: It was important because knowledge is power. As a leader, I can’t lead people without understanding their issues, otherwise, what kind of change would I inspire?

To serve people effectively, I need to know the challenges they face and how to address them. Without knowledge, my efforts would miss the mark and fail to respond to real needs. But with knowledge, I can say, “Okay, these are the issues, and here’s what I need to do to address them.”

Anna, just a quick follow-up, did the programme teach you how to research and gather up-to-date, relevant information about a community before designing interventions or engaging with them?

ANNA: Yes, it did. We had a session on how to gather stories and present them in both captivating and informative ways.

We were assigned to groups that practiced researching community issues by gathering information from a wide range of people such as children, marketeers, the working class, and those with no formal education.

From this, I learned how to interact with and gather insights from all these different groups, and how to use that information in proposals, reports, articles, speeches, or interviews.

What specific aspects of the YOWOP programme do you think helped you get the most out of the experience?

ANNA: The opportunity to carry out mini projects in communities had the biggest impact on me. The first part of the programme was mostly structured like a conference, with various facilitators sharing their experiences in sessions.

But when we went into communities, it brought those lessons to life. It gave a human face to the issues we had discussed theoretically. Those community interactions helped me to start viewing things from different angles, not only from a theoretical or personal perspective.

Gerald Sikazwe

The author works as CYLA’s Communications Assistant.